Do you feel exhausted trying to find reliable facts about everything happening around you? As emerging digital platforms increasingly outpace legacy media, it is often frustrating to discover that a seemingly credible story, complete with high-quality video footage, turns out to be fabricated. Such content is frequently designed either to malign individuals or to advance the vested interests of particular groups. While many of these interests are political in nature, they can also serve corporate or business agendas. Rapid technological advancement and the widespread, low-cost accessibility of artificial intelligence (AI) tools have significantly lowered the barriers to content creation. Today, almost anyone with minimal resources can become a content producer. Much of this cheap, low-quality content is now weaponised as propaganda, used by malicious actors to run disinformation and misinformation campaigns. Communication experts have coined the term “slopaganda” to describe this...

With parliamentary politics once again becoming vibrant and engaging, a clear fault line is gradually emerging between the ruling party, BNP, and the opposition, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). Not too long ago, these two parties were political allies—both in government and in opposition—jointly leading street movements against the rise of authoritarian rule under Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League. Their eventual split largely stemmed from a redrawing of the country’s political landscape following the uprising against Hasina’s dictatorial regime, which ultimately consigned her party to political irrelevance. Both parties have been victims of egregious abuses of power, including the criminalisation of state institutions under Hasina’s rule. They endured severe persecution—enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, fabricated charges, prolonged detention without trial, and brutal physical violence. At one point, their political futures appeared nearly extinguished due to ...

The 13th Jatiya Sangsad , which goes into its maiden session today, is in many ways a first for the country. Installed through a historic transition following an uprising that toppled the longest-running autocracy in Bangladesh, it brings about a generational shift in the political guard. Both the prime minister and the leader of the opposition, each in their sixties, are first-time parliamentarians. Two-thirds of the newly elected MPs, responsible for shaping the nation’s future, are also first-timers. In fact, a majority of MPs from both the ruling party and the opposition are newcomers to parliamentary affairs. In a sense, this is a credit to the youthquake of 2024, which has infused fresh blood into Bangladesh’s parliamentary democracy. The entry of six parliamentarians from the year-old National Citizen Party (NCP) is also significant, as its leadership is entirely a product of the student-led uprising. There has been debate about the party’s electoral alliance with ...

The  removal of Bangladesh Bank  Governor Ahsan H Mansur, widely credited with steadying an economy that was on the brink of potential collapse, has been described by many as nothing short of a blunder by the new government. Of course, any government has the legal authority to appoint or remove a governor in pursuit of its economic agenda. Yet two aspects of this episode have shocked observers. First, the manner of Mansur’s departure, marked by public humiliation rather than a well-earned vote of thanks. Second, the appointment of a businessman burdened by apparent conflicts of interest and lacking expertise in banking and macroeconomic management. This mishandling of central bank leadership by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government warrants close scrutiny. However, responsibility does not rest with the current administration alone. The immediate past interim government also bears some blame. A draft law granting operational autonomy to Bangladesh Bank remained with...

Now that campaigning for the February 12 national election has officially ended and the manifestos of all major parties are before the nation, this is the moment—before we head to the polls—to pause and reflect on whether the plans and pledges we have heard have been adequately scrutinised. By global standards, this election so far appears to have relied almost entirely on competing “narratives” crafted and sold by parties and their leaders. Campaign strategists have been largely successful in pushing their respective narratives and counter-narratives, leaving us—the voters—with little choice but to judge personalities and rhetoric rather than policies and substance. In a democracy, elections are meant to be the ultimate test of politicians, rooted in public accountability. Town hall meetings and meaningful engagement with the media—including interviews and press conferences with question-and-answer sessions—are central to that process. Unfortunately, none of the party leaders offered ...

The response from the National Citizen Party’s (NCP’s) secretary of the manifesto subcommittee, Istiak Akib, to my analysis of their manifesto is a welcome development and a positive step towards fostering civilised dialogue—an essential element of democracy. It is also reassuring to see that good sense still prevails among aspiring young political actors who seek to bring fresh air into politics, rather than unleashing social media mobs. I must admit that, after reading the response, I went back and reread the manifesto more carefully and critically. In his rejoinder, Istiak Akib accuses me of misreading the manifesto and lacking diligence, questioning whether I had even read the 36 points, let alone the  entire document . He challenges my critique regarding the NCP programme’s lack of inclusivity and the robustness of its proposed economic planning. Specifically, he alleges that by stating, “None of the NCP’s 36 pledges address the concerns of religious minorities or ethnic commu...