The 13th Jatiya Sangsad , which goes into its maiden session today, is in many ways a first for the country. Installed through a historic transition following an uprising that toppled the longest-running autocracy in Bangladesh, it brings about a generational shift in the political guard. Both the prime minister and the leader of the opposition, each in their sixties, are first-time parliamentarians. Two-thirds of the newly elected MPs, responsible for shaping the nation’s future, are also first-timers. In fact, a majority of MPs from both the ruling party and the opposition are newcomers to parliamentary affairs. In a sense, this is a credit to the youthquake of 2024, which has infused fresh blood into Bangladesh’s parliamentary democracy. The entry of six parliamentarians from the year-old National Citizen Party (NCP) is also significant, as its leadership is entirely a product of the student-led uprising. There has been debate about the party’s electoral alliance with ...

  As political negotiations intensify across party lines, the possibility of a national reform consensus—once unthinkable—now appears within reach. Over the past weeks, Bangladesh has witnessed a marathon of political dialogues involving all openly active parties—ranging from allies to adversaries—aimed at reaching common ground on vital constitutional, electoral, and institutional reforms. These discussions,under the aegis of the National Consensus Commission created by the interim government, mark a significant departure from past political norms. Until recently, talks were verging on a deadlock, particularly over key constitutional issues: limiting the Prime Minister’s term, creating a National Constitutional Council, and establishing a second chamber in the Jatiya Sangsad. Encouragingly, parties have begun softening their stances, suggesting that consensus may be possible. Such agreement is essential for drafting what is being called the July Charter—a foundational document bas...

Chief election commissioner Kazi Habibul Awal’s latest plea to the parties to take initiatives to solve the ongoing political crisis is quite intriguing. Though his admission that a political crisis really exists is at odds with the government’s claim of a conducive environment, his argument that the commission neither has the capacity nor the mandate to resolve it is only reneging itself of authority and responsibility. If it believes that there’s a crisis which makes ensuring a free and fair election impossible, how can it justify proceeding with holding an election without resolving the crisis?  The EC’s much publicised dialogue with all the registered parties took place after the 90-days countdown began till the 12th national election. Now the EC stands to have sufficient legal authority to ask the executive branch for taking all necessary steps to create a fair and competitive environment. Many observers had thought that, ahead of the dialogue the EC would take required steps ...

  Finding a member of a constitutional body in a sub-committee of the ruling party may not seem something innocuous. But naming Professor Delwar Hossain, who is a member of a constitutional body, the Bangladesh Public Service Commission (BPSC), as a member of the ruling Bangladesh Awami League’s international affairs sub-committee has stoked quite a controversy.  According to the media, AL general secretary Obaidul Quader approved the 56-member sub-committee for 2022-25 on July 24, 2023. It is the second such instance within two and a half years, in which a constitutional office holder has been included in the ruling party’s organisational structure. Previously, the Awami League included Attorney General A M Amin Uddin in its sub-committee on information and research affairs on February 18, 2021. But the party dropped AM the attorney general from the sub-committee merely a few days later amid criticism, which is why Prof Delwar Hossain’s appointment as a party functionary is q...